Pre-Trip Information

Special Entry:  The Three “Cs” of Trinidadian Culture

1. Carnival

Culturally, one of the most significant aspects of Trinidadian and Tobagonian society is the annual Carnival celebration (centered in the capital city of Port of Spain). In fact, carnival is the source of artistic and creative inspiration both within Trinidad and Tobago's national borders and internationally.

The musical renditions of calypso and steel band music characterize the carnival festivities, but also represent the country's contributions to global or "world" music. Both musical modalities were invented in Trinidad and Tobago. In particular, the steel drums, which are used to play steel band music, are noted for being the only bona fide instrument invented in the 20th century.

For its part, calypso music in Trinidad and Tobago has sprouted derivative musical forms such as soca and chutney music, both of which have proliferated in the sphere of "world" music. Likewise, “extempo” is an extraordinary form of calypso where the lyrics, often the insults of “picong” and “fatigue,” are created in an impromptu format by singers who dialogically parry their insults, thus weaving a clever verbal tapestry of musical abuse.

The artistry and elaborate costumes designed for carnival celebrations have also reached international acclaim, with Trinidadian carnival costume designer, Peter Minshall, acting as the lead designer for the two Olympics' opening ceremonies.

The experience of Carnival itself – known locally as “mass” (short for masquerade) is more participatory than other equivalents, such as Rio’s Carnivale.  It is difficult to find a professional masquerader, although those who “play mass” probably do take the experience very seriously.  “Playing mass” in Trinidad, though, is a democratic experience, with costumes available in bands that range from very elaborate and expensive to those that are simple and affordable.

Monetary issues aside, the democratizing aspects of Carnival have other resonances.  Indeed, many socio-cultural theories of Carnival have been expounded.  Some theorists claim that Carnival is an inversion of the hierarchical order dating back to times of slavery when the slaves could dance and enjoy themselves, sometimes even intimidating the controlling aristocracy.  Other theorists claim that Carnival is not so much an inversion of the hierarchy but more of an equalizer.  That is to say, masqueraders at Carnival are concerned about the band (a thematically oriented group organized according to designer) and not about personal position in the private sphere of life.  As such, it is common to see strangers in the same band dancing – sometimes suggestively – with one another.  Recently, social scientists have measured the disproportionate increase in the number of female masqueraders.  They offered the view  that Carnival is symbolically associated with varied kinds of freedom and liberation, including gender freedom.

Regardless, Carnival is an integral part of Trinidadian and Tobagonian culture.  It is rooted in the historical legacy, and has socially and culturally taken on multiple meanings, as noted above.  Carnival also characterizes the Trinidadian and Tobagonian calendar.  All other events are registered in relation to Carnival.  Likewise, the creative and artistic communities in Trinidad and Tobago are part of a lifestyle, professional class and micro-economy that are centered on Carnival.  

2. Cultural diversity and “creolization”

The population of the country is itself largely multicultural, but the variation is more obvious in Trinidad than in Tobago. English is the official language, although French, Spanish and Hindi are also spoken. In addition, patois, a linguistic combination of African, Indigenous, French, and Spanish elements, is considered part of the folk tradition. As is the case in many Caribbean countries, a local dialect, based in English, but modified by colloquial terms and idiomatic expressions, is also used on a daily basis.

Ethnically, the majority of the population consists of people of African and Indian descent. People with shared African and Indian ancestries are locally referred to as "douglas." There are also people of Chinese, Middle Eastern, French, Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, and British extraction. In addition, there is a substantial ethnically mixed population, where the actual variation of mixtures can be extensive. Many Trinidadians also share some ancestry with the original indigenous peoples, the Caribs and the Arawaks. The culture, traditions, and folk practices of Trinidad and Tobago reflect the diversity of peoples. As such, Trinidad and Tobago gained designation as the "cultural capital" of the Caribbean.
Trinidad and Tobago is a multi-religious country, and the state officially recognizes the faiths of Christians, Hindus, Muslims, Jews and African Orishas, among others. Indeed, national holidays commemorate each of these religions, including Christmas, Diwali, Eid and a host of others, with no particular emphasis on any singular faith. Roman Catholics, Anglicans, and Presbyterians make up the major Christian denominations, although there are sizable numbers of Baptists and other evangelical variants. Hinduism and Islam are the main non-Christian religions.

Because of the ethnic and cultural diversity, religious syncretism - a phenomenon common in several Latin American and Caribbean cultures - is prevalent in Trinidad and Tobago as well. For example, the combination of Hindu deities with Roman Catholic saints is a frequent practice. As well, Shango Baptists combine the religious beliefs and practices of Christian Baptists with those of African Shangoists. Many outsiders may have difficulty in understanding how religious syncretism can function so seamlessly alongside more traditional concepts of religion. Within this region of the world, however, religious and cultural fusion,  referred to as "creolization," is considered a hallmark of Caribbean society. In fact, few socio-cultural theorists can speak or write about this region, without giving attention to matters of syncretism and creolization.

The geographic location, as the southernmost islands of the Caribbean archipelago, has contributed to a history that is somewhat unique in respect to the other islands. Of the Caribbean islands with a British colonial legacy (referred to as the British West Indies), Trinidad and Tobago also have a strong Latin American influence. This feature is evidenced most clearly in the cultural celebrations at Christmas time, which are curiously similar to those of neighboring Venezuela.   Christmas, however, is not celebrated simply by Christians and, instead, is typically celebrated by members of other religious groups as well.  For example, among the Hindu community, celebration of the Hindu celebration of lights – Divali – precedes Christmas.  House-cleaning and special preparations are made to mark the start of the entire holiday season and extends to Christmas.  Again, regardless of religious affiliation, it is common to see Christmas trees, hear  the Latin parang music, smell the same food preparation in kitchens across the country, and even register attendance in mass, of Christians and non-Christians alike.

The cultural and  ethnic divisions are more pronounced in the realm of politics where party persuasion can be divided along ethnic (black versus brown) lines.

Understanding the nuances of ethnicity and “race relations” in Trinidad and Tobago is an integral part of understanding the culture of the country.  Trinidad and Tobago is diverse – perhaps more than any other country in the Caribbean --  but it is not a “race relations” paradise either.  Conflicts, prejudices and discrimination exist as they do elsewhere.  One key difference, however, is the freedom and frequency of which ethnicity and race is regularly part of the national discourse. 

Another notable distinction is that whereas in the United States the emphasis on ethnicity and race lies with issues of access, affirmative action and notions of equality,  in Trinidad and Tobago, the focus is less upon institutional considerations.  Rather, in Trinidad and Tobago, positive interethnic and race relations are predicated on the value of integration.  That is to say, the more blended and integrated ethnic groups are in local society, the more likely Trinidadians and Tobagonians are to believe that ethnic and race relations are positive.  Notable also is the fact that for Trinidadians and Tobagonians, integration is often linked with blending.  Indeed, intermarriage and ethnic mixtures are frequently cited as exemplars of positive ethnic and race relations in Trinidad and Tobago.  Terms denoted people of mixed ethnic identity include “red” and “Spanish”.  “Red” is used as an alternative mixed identity in comparison with  “black,” “white,” “brown” or “yellow,”  while  “Spanish” has very little to do with Iberian roots and is a broad blanket term for people whose physical appearance looks ethnically mixed, possibly with the inclusion of either Spanish or indigenous ancestry.

3. Class and other social divisions

The colonial isolation from many of the other islands also contributed to a social culture that was not as rigid as was the case on other colonial enclaves in the Caribbean, such as Jamaica and Haiti. Specifically, Trinidad and Tobago has evolved into one of the few middle class societies in the Latin American-Caribbean region and one of the wealthiest countries in the hemisphere.

Class, however, is not limited to the economic understanding of the term.  Because of the undulations in the country’s developing economy, more stabilized demarcations of distinction are employed.   These include educational achievements, professional titles, and family background.  Put simply, while material wealth may increase or decrease depending on changing economic conditions, one’s status in Trinidadian and Tobagonian society is determined by more durable factors.   As such, it is common to hear people deride certain individuals for “having lots of money and no class.” Likewise,  others may be described as being “bourgeois.”   That is to say, they may have middle to upper class wallets, but lower class inclinations.  In essence, class in Trinidad has to be understood in a much broader sense than its classic definition.

There has also been a wealth of literature written about the intersection of ethnicity and class, however, in Trinidad and Tobago, the two do not always exist together. In politics, ethnicity can be influential and can play a role in political party affiliation.  In interpersonal relations, however, considerations of class (in the broad sense of the term) can create social divisions.   Indeed, in many Trinidadian and Tobagonian households, ethnic differences are subordinated in relation to class differences (difference in education, family background et al).  Meanwhile, there are few, if any, bastions of colonialism left in  this country. Even the formerly all-white Country Club is now integrated.  As well, the political process, although racialized (as noted above) in some respects, has been inclusive of members of all groups.  Still, it is dominated by the two largest ethnic groups – Indo-Trinidadians and Afro-Trinidadians.  Likewise, the two predominant groups encompass both the poorest enclaves in the country, as well as the wealthiest.     

Written by Dr. Denise Youngblood Coleman, Editor in Chief, www.countrywatch.com; see Bibliography for references. Supplementary source: Youngblood, Denise.  “Rainbow Family, Rainbow Nation: Relational Dynamics in Trinidad and Tobago.” The Ethics of Kinship.  James Faubion, editor.  New York: Rowman and Littlefield. 2002.